Tackling the Taboo: Menstruation in India
For the first time in the history of television advertising in India, a commercial for feminine hygiene products aired in July 2020 which depicted menstruation using a drop of red liquid.[1] In so doing, it marked a pivotal departure from previous advertisements in India which had historically used blue liquid.
Upon its initial launch in February 2020, the commercial prompted a flurry of complaints to the Advertising Standards Council of India (ASCI), which resulted in it being removed from broadcast—the ASCI later permitted its re-launch in July 2020, subject to certain modifications. To understand why the launch of this commercial generated such a fractious response, it is necessary to examine some of the attitudes that surround menstruation in India and the debilitating impact that these can have on women and girls, including social ostracism and unequal educational attainment.
Examining the decision of the ASCI
While the decision of the ASCI to permit the re-launch of the commercial is undoubtedly a step in the right direction, the decision is also notable for being qualified. The judge reviewing the commercial specified that he would permit it to be aired on television only if the advertisers chose to ‘tone down’[2] the red liquid. The advertisers consequently applied a ‘monochrome filter’ to minimise ‘the impact of the red’[3] and, following these changes, the commercial was approved.
The ASCI’s insistence that the use of red liquid be toned down is interesting as it reveals, in the author’s view, that there continues to be a taboo surrounding the accurate depiction of menstruation in India on national television. The remainder of this article is dedicated to examining the causes and some of the pernicious impacts of this taboo.
Understanding the menstrual taboo: concepts of ‘impurity’ and the ‘non-essential’ nature of menstruation
It must be stated from the outset that it is not the objective of this article to explore the complex interplay of sociological, cultural, and religious factors that typically underpin the taboo surrounding menstruation among some individuals in India. Notwithstanding this, it is important to understand just how pervasive certain negative attitudes towards menstruation are. It is the author’s opinion that two narratives are of particular significance—those of both the ‘non-essential’ nature of menstruation and its association with ‘impurity.’
As regards the concept of ‘impurity,’ in February 2020, just as the ASCI were examining complaints about the new television commercial described above, the prominent religious leader Krushnaswarup Dasji announced in a sermon in Gujarat that women who cook food while menstruating would be reborn in a future life as ‘dogs’ and that those who ate food cooked by menstruating women would be reborn as ‘bullocks.’[4]
It is the author’s view that Dasji’s comments ought not to be construed as an isolated curiosity but rather as part of a well-established narrative that women become ‘impure’ during menstruation. In particular, Dasji’s remarks came in the wake of a widely publicised scandal in which around sixty young women were asked to remove their clothing and undergarments at a hostel in Bhuj, Gujarat for inspection to ‘prove’ that they were not menstruating.[5] This decision had apparently been made by staff over suspicions that some of the girls had entered the temple and kitchen at the hostel complex while menstruating—at the time, the hostel’s rules specified that menstruating women and girls be barred from holy places and kitchens due to their perceived ‘impurity.’[6] Both Dasji’s comments and the incident at the hostel generated widespread discussion about certain attitudes towards menstruation in India, and an inquiry was later launched into the hostel by the State of Gujarat’s Women’s Commission, which resulted in a number of arrests being made.
As regards the notion of the ‘non-essential’ nature of menstruation, it is arguable that this damaging narrative has been subtly reinforced by the incumbent government. For example, following the introduction of the Goods and Services tax in July 2017, feminine hygiene products were initially taxed at 12% alongside items such as leather goods and mobile phones. In the author’s view it is significant that certain products, such as contraceptives were, from the outset, zero-rated.[7] The decision to tax feminine hygiene products at 12% triggered protests by those who argued that, among other things, the 12% tax contravened the right to non-discrimination enshrined in Article 15(1) of the Indian constitution by unduly burdening women.[8] In response to this backlash, the government announced that feminine hygiene products, such as sanitary pads, would be zero-rated.[9]
It is the author’s view that the government’s initial approach to feminine hygiene products exhibited an abject lack of understanding that these products are an essential health-based item, rather than an optional good akin to a mobile phone.
A blanket of silence
One impact of the attitudes that associate menstruation with being ‘impure’ and ‘non-essential’ is the lack of information concerning menstruation in the public domain in India. A study published by the BMJ in 2016, collating data from almost 100,000 girls across India, found that less than half (48%) of those surveyed had any awareness of menstruation before reaching menarche.[10] According to the study, the main source of information for the minority of girls that were aware of menstruation prior to menarche was their mothers.[11]
Comparatively few of the respondents cited health workers, the media, or school teachers as sources of information on menstruation.[12] When combined with the findings of the Indian Council of Medical Research in its 2005-06 annual report that more than 70%[13] of the mothers it surveyed considered menstruation to be ‘dirty’ and/or ‘polluting,’ a worrying picture emerges. Here we see a cycle in which many girls often learn to associate menstruation with ‘impurity’ by the only sources of information readily available to them.
The debilitating impact that this lack of information has on the mental health and wellbeing of girls ought not to be understated—for example, more than 60% of the girls surveyed by the Indian Council of Medical Research described feelings of ‘fear’ and more than 40% described feelings of ‘shock’ upon reaching menarche.[14] It is arguable that such feelings could have been prevented had adequate information concerning menstruation been readily accessible to the individuals surveyed. It is the author’s view that such information could be provided via public health campaigns sponsored by the government or through teaching.
Social ostracism
Beyond the blanket of silence that has traditionally surrounded the topic of menstruation, in certain rural areas of India menstruating individuals are sometimes isolated to a kurma ghar or gaokar—a small ‘period hut’ on the outskirts of a town or village.[15] These dwellings are often poorly built and serve, in the author’s view, as a physical reinforcement of the destructive perception that women ought to be shunned during menstruation due to their perceived ‘impurity.’ In addition to the debilitating psychological and emotional impact of monthly social isolation, this practice has resulted in the deaths of some individuals. For instance, in 2018 a fourteen-year-old girl died after being trapped for hours in an isolated gaokar during Cyclone Gaja in Tamil Nadu.[16]
While this practice of social isolation has garnered considerable public condemnation within India, it is vital to understand that many women and girls still face social obstacles during menstruation even though they are not subject to this (now relatively rare) practice. For example, a study conducted in three Indian states—Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, and Tamil Nadu—uncovered that 88% of respondents experienced restrictions related to religion, such as being unable to attend a temple, while menstruating.[17] Furthermore, 20% of respondents reported that they were expected to abide by different sleeping arrangements while menstruating, and many also reported experiencing varied degrees of social ostracism—for example, 16% mentioned reduced social interactions within the home.[18] It is the author’s view that any restriction—however seemingly minor— faced by an individual due to menstruation is fundamentally unacceptable.
The impact on education
Beyond the direct impact of social restrictions and a lack of information, the idea that menstruation is inherently ‘impure’ also impinges upon the educational attainment and progression of many individuals. A 2018 study concluded that around 40% of girls in Indian secondary schools were routinely absent during menstruation, with more than 30% of these girls taking more than three days off each month.[19] A staggering 65% of the girls surveyed reported that they had missed days at school due to feelings of anxiety and shame related to menstruation.[20] According to a number of respondents, these feelings were often compounded by a lack of adequate facilities—such as toilets and washing facilities—in the schools that they attended.
Alarmingly, a 2019 report by the Integrated Child Development Services found that more than half a million girls—equating to 25% of all girls enrolled between the ages of eleven and fourteen[21]—had dropped out of state-run upper primary schools in a single Indian state (Uttar Pradesh). A recurring theme among many of the respondents is that their decision to drop out of school was motivated by a lack of access to sanitary facilities and/or a lack of awareness about—and, consequently, feelings of anxiety related to—menstruation. At a national level, it has been estimated that around 23% of girls drop out of school annually in India when they reach menarche,[22] due to both a lack of adequate facilities and the anxiety associated with menstruation, among other things.
Conclusion
While the announcement that the ASCI had approved a commercial depicting red fluid instead of blue was perceived by many as a step towards dismantling certain negative and misleading narratives relating to menstruation in India, it is the author’s view that a far more significant change is required to fully achieve this goal.
For example, in order to tackle the high rates of school absenteeism, such a change ought to involve not only the introduction of new educational programs aimed at increasing awareness of menstrual health, but also the construction of adequate hygiene facilities in schools. It is also vital that a public conversation is started concerning the negative perception of menstruation among some individuals in India so that destructive practices, such as social isolation, are gradually eliminated.
Viewed in this light, the ASCI’s decision to permit this commercial to be aired is an important, but still relatively minor, step in the right direction.
While the announcement that the ASCI had approved a commercial depicting red fluid instead of blue was perceived by many as a step towards dismantling certain negative and misleading narratives relating to menstruation in India, it is the author’s view that a far more significant change is required to fully achieve this goal. Image source: Radhika Apte in Nobel Hygiene’s RIO commercial
It is the author’s opinion that two negative narratives surrounding menstruation are of particular significance—those of both the ‘non-essential’ nature of menstruation and its association with ‘impurity.’ Image source: AP Photo/Tsering Topgyal
Following the introduction of the Goods and Services tax in July 2017, feminine hygiene products were initially taxed at 12% alongside items such as leather goods and mobile phones. In the author’s view it is significant that certain products, such as contraceptives were, from the outset, zero rated. Image source: Emma Farrer / Getty Images
One impact of the attitudes that associate menstruation with being ‘impure’ and ‘non-essential’ is the lack of information concerning menstruation in the public domain in India. Image source: Hanna Barczyk for NPR
At a national level, it has been estimated that around 23 million girls drop out of school annually in India when they reach menarche, due to both a lack of adequate facilities and the anxiety associated with menstruation. Image source: AFP
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Sources Cited
[1] Karuna Sharma, ‘Are Consumers Ready to See Period Blood in Red? RIO’s Relaunch of Ad and ASCI’s Nod on it Proves they are’ (Business Insider, 23 July 2020) <https://www.businessinsider.in/advertising/brands/article/are-consumers-ready-to-see-period-blood-in-red-rios-relaunch-of-ad-and-ascis-nod-on-it-proves-they-are/articleshow/77116028.cms> accessed 21 August 2020.
[2] ibid.
[3] ibid.
[4] Adam Withnall, ‘Women who Cook on their Period will be Reborn as Dogs, Indian Religious Leader Says’ (Independent, 20 February 2020) <https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/india-women-cook-periods-mensurating-modi-gujarat-krushnaswarup-dasji-a9347216.html> accessed 17 August 2020.
[5] Geeta Pandey, ‘“Period-Shaming" Indian College Forces Students to Strip to Underwear’ (BBC, 16 February 2020) <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-51504992> accessed 17 August 2020.
[6] ibid.
[7] Seetha, ‘GST on Sanitary Napkins: 12% isn’t Sexist and Zero Tax may not be the Best Way to Incentivise Use’ (Firstpost, 5 July 2017) <https://www.firstpost.com/business/gst-on-sanitary-napkins-12-isnt-sexist-and-zero-tax-may-not-be-the-best-way-to-incentivise-use-3777797.html> accessed 20 August 2020.
[8] Elton Gomes, ‘Jaitley Excludes Sanitary Napkins from the List of Essentials; Taxes them at 12%’ (QRIUS, 25 May 2017) <https://qrius.com/jaitley-excludes-sanitary-napkins-from-the-list-of-essentials-taxes-them-at-12/> accessed 20 August 2020.
[9] Rishi Iyengar, ‘India Scraps Controversial Tax on Sanitary Pads’ (CNN, 22 July 2018) <https://edition.cnn.com/2018/07/22/health/india-tampon-tax-intl/index.html> accessed 20 August 2020.
[10] Anna Maria van Eijk and others, ‘Menstrual Hygiene Management Among Adolescent Girls in India: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis’ (2016) 6(3) BMJ Open <http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2015-010290> accessed 21 August 2020.
[11] ibid.
[12] ibid.
[13] Rajesh Garg, Shobha Goyal and Sanjeev Gupta, ‘India Moves Towards Menstrual Hygiene: Subsidized Sanitary Napkins for Rural Adolescent Girls—Issues and Challenges’ (2012) 16 Maternal and Child Health Journal 767, 768.
[14] ibid.
[15] Barkha Mathur, ‘Where Women are Banished to a “Period Hut” with no Power or Loo’ (The Times of India, 27 November 2018) <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/nagpur/where-women-are-banished-to-a-period-hut-with-no-power-or-loo/articleshow/66834713.cms> accessed 20 August 2020.
[16] ‘Cyclone Gaja: India Girl Segregated During Period Dies’ (BBC, 21 November 2018) <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-46286284> accessed 20 August 2020.
[17] Muthusamy Sivakami and others, ‘Effect of Menstruation on Girls and their Schooling, and Facilitators of Menstrual Hygiene Management in Schools: Surveys in Government Schools in Three States in India, 2015’ (2019) 9(1) Journal of Global Health <http://dx.doi.org/10.7189/jogh.09.010408> accessed 20 August 2020.
[18] ibid.
[19] Aditi Vashisht and others, ‘School Absenteeism During Menstruation Amongst Adolescent Girls in Delhi, India’ (2018) 25(3) Journal of Family and Community Medicine <https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/30220845/> accessed 20 August 2020.
[20] ibid.
[21] TNN, ‘Poor Menstrual Hygiene Led to 5.12 Lakh Adolescent Girl Dropouts: Survey’ (The Times of India, 27 April 2019) <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/poor-menstrual-hygiene-led-to-5-12-lakh-adolescent-girl-dropouts-survey/articleshow/69066770.cms> accessed 17 August 2020.
[22] Kounteya Sinha, ‘70% can’t Afford Sanitary Napkins, Reveals Study’ (The Times of India, 23 January 2011) <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/70-cant-afford-sanitary-napkins-reveals-study/articleshow/7344998.cms> accessed 17 August 2020.